Professionally I am a strategist and mentor. In my spare time, I write. I’m currently editing my tenth book on artificial intelligence whilst maintaining daily analysis for thousands of subscribers through The Virtual Activist on Patreon and The Hames Report on Substack. I occasionally share insights on social media platforms like Facebook, Bluesky, and LinkedIn.
One reader recently challenged me, sarcastically, to prove I’m aware of global crises beyond Gaza. Challenge accepted—not for her benefit, but for yours. Consider this both a rebuttal and a masterclass in why research must precede commentary. To the sarcastic commenter: watch carefully. To everyone else: take notes.
The research underpinning everything I write is substantial. I rely on trusted local sources from a global network of approximately 24,000 people—journalists, aid workers, researchers across six continents—rather than mainstream media (mostly propaganda) or social media (mostly emotionally unhinged and unvalidated opinions). Why does this matter? Because secondhand outrage is not research. Reading reports from people on the ground is. For readers wanting to improve their own understanding: build your sources, verify claims, and never mistake passion for expertise.
Nevertheless, I’ve taken a full day out of my schedule to address this single provocation. Here was the earnest—if admittedly sarcastic—invitation from one of my readers on LinkedIn:
“Wonderful post. I hope to read more from you about how Nigerian Christians are being slaughtered in their churches. And how Yemen has been starving their children in order to bomb Israel. Also, the brutal Islamist killings of women and children in Sudan, where over a million people are homeless. And we should forget the brutal killings of Christians and Druze in Syria. I wonder if you would share with me the posts and articles you have written about the Rohingya refugees who have been brutalised and continue to escape into Bangladesh, which struggles to provide for them.”
Here is my response. The reader will recognise who she is.
On Method: Why Sarcasm Requires Homework
First, a word on method: sarcasm works only when you’ve done your homework. Rattling off tragedies you assume others ignore—without checking whether they actually have—doesn’t expose hypocrisy. It exposes lazy research. For everyone else reading: this is why verification precedes accusation.
You assume I haven’t written about or researched these crises. You’re wrong. Don’t presume to lecture me on topics I’ve examined in depth. Next time, if you want to engage, do it in good faith—and do your own research first.
Now, since you brought them up, let’s discuss those global issues—with facts and context, not sarcasm.
Nigeria—Violence Against Christians
Sadly, it’s true that Nigerian Christians have been attacked and even slaughtered in their churches. This is documented extensively. In June 2022, gunmen stormed St Francis Catholic Church in Owo during Mass, killing at least 40 worshippers and injuring many more. The suspects are linked to extremist groups and have since been charged under anti-terror laws.
This wasn’t an isolated incident. Across northern and central Nigeria, church bombings, village massacres, and clergy kidnappings have occurred repeatedly over the last decade. Christian farming communities in the Middle Belt have been targeted by armed Fulani extremist groups; Boko Haram and ISIS-West Africa have bombed churches and murdered pastors. Estimates of the death toll vary—advocacy groups claim tens of thousands of Christians killed since 2010, whilst more conservative counts are lower—but the violence is ongoing and real.
So yes, Nigerian Christians have been “slaughtered in their churches,” and I have never suggested otherwise. I follow these events, and I care about them deeply, especially given my own work in Africa which is a continent I love. My writing has often cited attacks in Nigeria as examples of religious persecution and terrorism.
For readers wanting to understand this complexity: Start with Open Doors’ World Watch List and International Crisis Group’s reports on farmer-herder violence. Cross-reference with Nigerian newspapers like Premium Times. Notice how the conflict involves not just religion, but ethnicity, resources, climate change, and political manipulation. This is what happens when you read beyond headlines.
Don’t assume I (or others) am silent on this—the problem is getting the world to pay attention, not that we’re ignoring it.
Yemen—Starvation and Conflict
Yemen’s humanitarian crisis is one of the worst on the planet—that’s a fact. After approximately ten years of war (since 2015), Yemen has millions of children starving or malnourished. The UN reports over 17 million Yemenis face hunger, including more than 2 million acutely malnourished children. This catastrophe results from brutal conflict: Houthi rebels versus a Saudi-led coalition and the Yemeni government. Airstrikes, sieges, blockades, and economic collapse have devastated the civilian population.
Now, you mentioned “starving their children in order to bomb Israel.” Let’s get this straight: there is zero evidence that anyone in Yemen is intentionally starving children as a strategy to attack Israel.
What is true: the Houthi movement (which controls the capital, Sana’a) has occasionally engaged in hostilities with Israel. In late 2023, during the Israel-Hamas war, Houthi forces launched drones and missiles towards Israel—one missile travelled over 2,000 km and was intercepted near Tel Aviv. This was a show of ideological opposition to Israel. The Houthis have also attacked Red Sea shipping, causing international concern.
Separately, Yemen’s children are starving because of the war’s impact—not because Houthi leaders are using famine as some twisted bargaining chip. The famine and the Houthi missile launches are two distinct issues.
For readers wondering how to verify such claims: The UN OCHA reports on Yemen are public and updated regularly. The Yemen Data Project tracks airstrikes. The difference between “Houthis launched missiles” (true) and “Yemen starves children to bomb Israel” (absurd) becomes clear when you consult primary sources rather than viral posts.
Unfortunately, Yemen’s war has so ravaged the country that some Houthi leaders may exploit international crises to gain attention, but no, Yemeni children aren’t being starved “to bomb Israel.” They’re starving because war and blockade have cut off food, fuel, and medical care for years. I’ve consistently highlighted Yemen’s humanitarian disaster in discussions and interviews, and I won’t let misinformation slide here.
Sudan—Brutal Killings and Mass Displacement
Sudan is suffering a nightmare conflict, and you’re right that it involves brutal killings of civilians—women, children, entire communities. Since April 2023, a war between two rival generals (the regular Sudanese army versus the RSF paramilitary) has torn Sudan apart. Thousands of civilians have been killed in airstrikes, militia attacks, and urban warfare.
There are reports of mass atrocities: in Darfur, for example, RSF militias and allied fighters have committed ethnic massacres, targeting non-Arab groups, echoing the genocidal violence of the 2000s. Over 5 million Sudanese have been displaced from their homes in just the last year—fleeing cities like Khartoum or seeking refuge in neighbouring countries. The figure keeps rising; Sudan now ranks amongst the worst displacement crises globally, rivalling Syria and Ukraine. The humanitarian toll is immense—millions homeless, millions more in need of food.
Now, you phrased it as “brutal Islamist killings... in Sudan.” It’s true that some of the warring factions and militias have Islamist roots or rhetoric (the RSF’s leadership had ties to the former Islamist regime). But reducing Sudan’s complex war to “Islamist killings” is utterly misleading. This is a struggle for power, wealth, and survival, with various actors (Islamist and otherwise) involved. The conflict has ethnic, political, and resource dimensions that the “Islamist” label completely erases. Civilians of all backgrounds are suffering.
This is what happens when complex conflicts get reduced to soundbites. If you’re genuinely interested in Sudan, start with reports from Médecins Sans Frontières or the Sudan Conflict Observatory. They’re not behind paywalls. They’re just behind the effort of reading them.
The point is: yes, unspeakable atrocities are happening in Sudan. And believe me, I have not forgotten them. I have written about Sudan’s crisis and spoken about the urgent need for humanitarian intervention. It’s heartbreaking that Sudan’s tragedy gets so little global attention. But your sarcastic mention does nothing to help—what helps is factual reporting and pressure on the perpetrators. So don’t sneer as if no one’s talking about Sudan—instead, perhaps recognise that those of us who do talk about it are trying to cut through global apathy.
Syria—Sectarian Killings (Christians, Druze, and Others)
Syria’s civil war has been a catalogue of horrors for all its people, including Christian and Druze minorities. You suggest (tongue in cheek, I assume) that “we should forget” those killings. I’ve never said that, nor would I. On the contrary, these crimes have been documented and I’ve noted them in my work.
In 2015 in Idlib province, an al-Qaeda-linked militia massacred Druze villagers, killing at least 20 people simply for being Druze. In 2018, ISIS militants attacked Sweida (a predominantly Druze region), slaughtering over 200 Druze civilians in a single day—one of the deadliest days of the war.
Syrian Christians, too, have faced kidnappings and executions, especially under ISIS’s reign of terror. In 2015, ISIS overran Christian villages along the Khabur River, taking about 250 hostages and reportedly killing those who didn’t flee. Earlier in the war, Islamist extremists killed dozens of Christians in Sadad and Maaloula—ancient Christian towns—in brutal assaults.
And let’s remember, jihadist groups weren’t the only perpetrators of mass killings—the Assad regime itself committed large-scale atrocities (chemical attacks, torture prisons) primarily against Sunni Muslims, but also against anyone deemed an enemy. No community in Syria has been spared violence.
Notice how I’ve cited specific incidents, dates, and sources? That’s the baseline for serious discussion. A Google search of “Sweida massacre 2018” or “Maaloula Christians” would have revealed I’ve referenced these previously. Research isn’t hard; it’s just required.
So if your implication was that I or others are ignoring the plight of Syrian Christians or Druze, you’re off base. I’ve consistently acknowledged the full scope of Syria’s nightmare, including sectarian and ethnic violence. The fact you even know about those killings is because journalists and observers (myself included) have reported on them. The world’s attention span on Syria has waned after more than a decade of war, but many of us still keep track of these stories.
Rohingya—Genocide and Refugee Crisis
You ask if I’d share posts I’ve written about the Rohingya. I was personally working in Myanmar just prior to the latest coup. I’ve commented on the plight of the Rohingya multiple times (not only in Myanmar but also in China where I work on a regular basis), and I’ll gladly reiterate the key points here.
In 2017, Myanmar’s military launched a genocidal campaign against the Rohingya Muslim minority in Rakhine State. They burnt entire villages, committed mass rapes and massacres, and drove the population out. In a matter of months, roughly 740,000 Rohingya fled on foot to Bangladesh—joining some 300,000 who had escaped earlier persecutions.
Today, about 1 million Rohingya refugees live in Cox’s Bazar, Bangladesh, in what has become the world’s largest refugee camp. Bangladesh has struggled heroically to shelter them, but it’s overwhelmed—it’s a poor country that has devoted vast land and resources to keep the Rohingya safe. Conditions in the camps are harsh: overcrowded, prone to floods and fires, with limited educational or economic opportunities. And because international aid has been dwindling recently, there have even been ration cuts, leaving many Rohingya families hungry again in exile.
Meanwhile, in Myanmar, the Rohingya who remain are still persecuted—confined to camps or villages, denied citizenship, essentially living under an apartheid system. The world recognised what happened in 2017 as ethnic cleansing—some say genocide—yet not a single top general in Myanmar has faced justice, and repatriation efforts have stalled.
For those keeping score: Fortify Rights and the UN Fact-Finding Mission on Myanmar have extensive documentation. I was in Myanmar working with the National League for Democracy before the coup—not reading about it from my sofa. That’s what ground-level research looks like.
I have not forgotten about the Rohingya, nor should anyone. I’ve written about their situation as a glaring example of ongoing ethnic cleansing and the challenges of refugee protection. So the implied accusation that I haven’t covered it is flat-out wrong. Perhaps you haven’t seen those pieces, but that doesn’t mean they (or the Rohingya) don’t exist. I’ll be more than happy to share or publish more on this topic, because it remains a humanitarian emergency. But spare me the sarcasm—the Rohingya’s suffering is something I treat with utmost gravity, not glibness.
Gaza and Hamas—Multiple Truths and Brutality in Context
The implication in your comment about Gaza essentially argued that billions in aid to Gazans were spent on Hamas’s tunnels and weapons, enabling Hamas to “rape, behead women and children and drag Israelis into tunnels.” This statement mixes partial truths with falsehoods and omits critical context.
Let me be clear from the outset: both Hamas’s atrocities and Israel’s actions can and must be condemned. These are not mutually exclusive positions.
Hamas’s atrocities are very real. On 7th October 2023, Hamas terrorists breached Israel’s border and massacred around 1,200 Israelis, mostly civilians. It now looks more and more likely that the IDF were appraised of the attack days before it happened. Hamas murdered men, women, children, even infants, and they kidnapped about 240 people into Gaza’s tunnel network. Credible investigations (by the UN and others) have confirmed that during this attack, Hamas fighters committed rape, sexual violence, and torture. These are egregious war crimes, full stop.
However, it’s misleading to claim that international aid “built” Hamas’s tunnels or arsenal. In reality, most humanitarian aid to Gaza comes as food, medicine, or infrastructure support via UN agencies—not cash handed to Hamas. A 2025 US government analysis found no evidence of large-scale diversion of aid by Hamas. Hamas’s military resources mostly come from smuggling, local “taxation,” and foreign backers (like Iran)—not UN rice bags or foreign aid dollars. Blaming Gaza’s humanitarian aid for Hamas’s terror infrastructure is simply not supported by the evidence.
Now, let’s add the context your sarcasm skipped: Israel’s own brutality and long-standing oppression of Palestinians. For decades, Palestinians have endured systematic abuse under Israeli rule—from the expulsion of hundreds of thousands in 1948, to a 57-year military occupation since 1967, to repeated wars and blockades. Israeli forces have often used excessive and lethal force, killing thousands of Palestinian civilians over the years.
In Gaza specifically, Israel’s response to Hamas has itself been devastatingly brutal. The ongoing war since October 2023 has killed tens of thousands of Palestinians. The UN Human Rights Office reports that nearly 70% of the verified Gaza war deaths were women and children, a shocking indicator of civilian harm. Palestinian health officials put the overall toll much higher—over 45,000 Palestinians killed by mid-2025, with the number continuing to rise.
Entire neighbourhoods have been flattened; hospitals and schools struck. Leading human rights groups accuse Israel of war crimes, and even Amnesty International has used the word “genocide” for the Gazan catastrophe. Beyond wartime, Israel’s blockade of Gaza (in place since 2007) and its apartheid-like rule in the West Bank are forms of structural brutality that Palestinian civilians suffer daily.
These facts don’t excuse Hamas’s crimes—and Hamas’s crimes don’t excuse these facts. We have to hold two truths: Hamas commits atrocities and Israel inflicts profound cruelty on Palestinians. One does not cancel out the other; both deserve unequivocal condemnation.
Finally, a painfully ironic footnote: Hamas’s very presence in Gaza is tied up in cynical power politics. Israel at times has actually abetted Hamas’s rise. It’s well-documented that in the 1980s, Israeli authorities tolerated and even indirectly supported Hamas’s precursor as a religious counterweight to Yasser Arafat’s secular Fatah. One former Israeli official ruefully admitted, “Hamas, to my great regret, is Israel’s creation.” Even in recent years, Netanyahu’s government quietly allowed millions of dollars from Qatar to flow to Hamas-run Gaza—a tactic explicitly intended to divide Palestinians and undermine the Palestinian Authority. In other words, Israeli policy helped fertilise the ground for Hamas, a move that spectacularly backfired in the form of the horrific violence we see now.
For those keeping score at home: Google “Netanyahu Hamas strategy” and you’ll find Israeli newspapers confirming this. That’s what elementary research looks like—being willing to discover uncomfortable truths about all sides.
Understanding this history is crucial. It doesn’t lessen Hamas’s culpability for its brutality, but it explodes the simplistic narrative that it’s all down to “billions in aid” or that one side has a monopoly on evil. The reality is far messier: both Hamas and the Israeli state have bloody hands, and tragically, Palestinian and Israeli civilians have paid the price for both.
The bottom line? Your sarcastic quip about Gaza left out half the story. Yes, Hamas committed barbaric acts on 7th October 2023—acts I’ve openly condemned. But no, Gaza’s humanitarian aid wasn’t some piggy bank for terror, and no, those atrocities don’t erase Israel’s own decades-long record of brutality against Palestinians. If we’re going to discuss Gaza (or any conflict), let’s do it with the full truth in mind, not cherry-picked half-truths wrapped in sarcasm.
The Common Thread
What’s the common theme in all these tragic circumstances - apart from the involvement of the US which I have discussed elsewhere in depth? They involve severe human suffering, and in some cases, war crimes or crimes against humanity. They deserve careful, intelligent discussion with facts, timelines, and credible sources—not one-liner sarcasm.
Your comment attempted to shame me by listing various crises, insinuating I don’t cover them. In reality, I’m acutely aware of them—likely far more than your comment lets on. And it’s entirely possible to focus on one crisis (say, Gaza) whilst also acknowledging others (like Nigeria or Sudan). It’s not a zero-sum game. One tragedy doesn’t negate another. I (and many others) can and do care about multiple issues at once.
If your point was that these other tragedies deserve attention—on that, we agree! I welcome anyone raising awareness sincerely. But your approach was to use them as a sarcastic jab, which is disrespectful to the victims of those tragedies and to readers seeking understanding.
A Brief Guide for Readers Actually Interested in These Issues
Since these crises deserve more than sarcastic mentions, here’s how to engage seriously:
For Nigeria’s persecution of Christians: Start with Open Doors’ World Watch List and International Crisis Group’s reports on farmer-herder violence. Cross-reference with Nigerian newspapers like Premium Times. Notice the complexity that emerges when you read beyond the headlines—the interplay of religion, ethnicity, climate change, and resource competition.
For Yemen: The UN OCHA Yemen updates are released regularly. The Yemen Data Project tracks airstrikes. The difference between understanding Yemen and performing concern about Yemen lies in consulting such sources.
For Sudan: Médecins Sans Frontières, the Sudan Conflict Observatory, and Human Rights Watch provide ongoing documentation. The crisis is complex, multi-layered, and ongoing—treat it as such.
For Syria: The Syrian Network for Human Rights documents atrocities across all communities. The UN Commission of Inquiry reports are comprehensive. Understand that all sides have committed crimes.
For the Rohingya: Fortify Rights and the UN Fact-Finding Mission on Myanmar have extensive documentation. Follow reporting from Bangladeshi sources on the refugee situation.
For Gaza and Israel-Palestine: Consult B’Tselem, Human Rights Watch, the UN OCHA, and yes, Israeli newspapers like Haaretz for critical perspectives. Read Palestinian voices directly—organisations like Al-Haq and testimonies from Gazan journalists.
The pattern? Primary sources, expert analysis, and the humility to learn before lecturing.
To Conclude
To my detractor: You attempted to highlight my ignorance and instead exposed your own assumptions. Your sarcasm fell flat because it was built on a false premise. A simple search of my work would have shown that I’ve addressed these issues extensively. Next time, try reading before writing.
To everyone else: This is your reminder that in the age of information, ignorance is a choice. These crises—Nigeria, Yemen, Sudan, Syria, the Rohingya, Gaza—deserve more than being weaponised in bad-faith arguments. They deserve your attention, your research, and your informed advocacy.
Rather than playing “gotcha” with whataboutism, contribute to the conversation with substance. War and suffering are not punchlines. By rattling them off sarcastically, you trivialise the very real pain involved. These topics demand compassion and accuracy, not smugness.
If you have genuine questions or want to discuss these topics seriously, I’m here. Otherwise, sarcasm is just noise—and I prefer to focus on the signal: the actual people and facts on the ground. Sarcasm is easy. Knowledge takes effort. I’ve just demonstrated one; my detractor demonstrated the other. Choose wisely which you’ll emulate.